Religious affinity, ethnic survivability, and social – behavioural continuity can be proved by similarity of practice, similitude of concept, and resemblance of expression. Marriage is a very particular circumstance in the lives of the humans; for various nations allover the world it consists in an array of socio-religious expressions of sacrosanct tradition that has to be repeated from generation to generation. Languages change, scriptures change, religions change, and still the marriage preserves key elements of a remote past.
I was among the lucky few who recently happened to get a copy of an excellent study, entitled ´Themes & Patterns of Traditional Oromo Marriage Counseling´, elaborated with pertinent method and great commitment by a young Oromo scholar, Ms. Opsan Moreda. According to my information, Ms. Opasn Moreda, working under the supervision of the pro-eminent Oromo scholar Asafa Tefera Dibaba (editor of Ms. Moreda´s dissertation), intends to continue her research in this key field for the demonstration of both, the Kushitic Ethiopian Oromo continuity and the chaotic difference and ethnic – religious – cultural and socio-behavioural dissimilarity between the Ethiopian Oromos, and the non-Ethiopian, Abyssinian Amharas.
I find it necessary to progressively publish Ms. Opsan Moreda´s dissertation and then comment on it. In this article, I will publish the dissertation´s first chapter, which is the introduction. With great limpidity, Ms. Moreda presents the background, the statement of the problem, and her research scope and targets. In several forthcoming articles, I will complete the publication of this excellent and groundbreaking study, and then comment extensively.
Themes & Patterns of Traditional Oromo Marriage Counseling
By Opsan Moreda
Chapter One – Introduction
This introductory chapter serves the purpose of setting the background of the study. It states the nature of the problem, discusses the objectives, significance and the rationale of the study.
1.1 Ethnographic background
Genealogy
Of tribes that belong to Tulama genealogy, the Bacho tribe has five divisions: Salale, Warab, Ejere / Metta, Darra, and Borana / Wallo (octb, 2006: 141). The Salale sub-division includes Urru, Garasu, and Wajjitu all settling in the districts of Garba-Gurracha, Abote, and Goha along both sides of the highway to the Abbay Valley in the west and Jama Valley in the east in clusters of clans and sub-clans. There are Salale Oromos scattered in the Ethiopian ´Diaspora´ uprooted from their original home following the Minilik conquest of Oromoland in the second-half of 19th century (Tsagaye 1996). According to the available human and written sources, the word Salale is the name of a mountain found on the other side of Dagam to the west (Hassen, 1994). The Salale livelihood depends on agriculture and rearing livestock, which one would label as mixed farming.
Children and age-grading
Anthropologists and sociologists have recognized the Oromo age-grading and age-set system of social organization as an important institution accounting for the unity and smooth functioning among this traditional preliterate society (Baxter 1978b, 1979; Asmarom 1973).
According to this tradition, various age-grades require each grade has its own social, economic and political rule. One may put the Oromo age system into three main categories as the young, the middle, and the old age. Gaammee is to age eight and is the years of fun and games. Dabballee is eight to sixteen years of age. Some mild jobs also accompany the play, as herding calves, sheep and goats near the homestead. Early non-formal education at this age includes story-telling, mental arithmetic and elementary computations, popular songs and dances, dentification of names of local plants and birds, places and peoples, i.e., notables and close kin.
The child is well trained in these early years of his age to associate with members of his age-group as brothers and sisters until death and beyond, as hariya (Leus 2006). All Oromo males born in the same 8-year generation class (gada) belong to the same hariya, but belong to one of the two hariya lines. Among the Boorana Oromo the two hariyyaa lines are waakor, also known as daraara (flower), and dambala, known as coqorsa (grass), each headed by a hayyuu (age-set leader) of its own. The Salale also exercise this age-grouping as hariyya, literally meaning ´age-mates´.
Starting with the gammee (0-8), dabballee (8-16), foollee (16-24) upwards, both training and responsibility are stepped up. The young child learns his extended family history, history of his society, names of neighboring communities and relations with them (if just or unjust historical relationships, if warring or peace-loving, etc.), geography of the region, handling weapons, military tactics, breeding cattle and caring, hunting skill, nature of soils and seasonal weather conditions, and morals or rules of good manners. Young girls also take intellectual trainings as young boys. They learn poetry, dance, traditional games, history, regional geography, seasons and seasonal climatic changes all in the form of folklore and folk beliefs added to household chores. Salale Oromo also believes that laws and customs that govern the social and moral order as well as general rules of etiquette are taught to the youth through folklore and folklore practices. At every level of age-grade, the age-group undergo initiation rites to pass to the exalted level of manhood. It is upon his performances at these early periods that the individual´s entire future will depend (Lamessa, 2007).
Customary laws, religion, social and moral thoughts
As elsewhere discussed in this thesis, according to traditional Oromo religion, Waaqa, the black God, is the creator of all things. Black colour, to the Oromo, represents future, prospers, hopes and is considered to be a symbol of holiness and divinity. Hence, Waaqa gurraacha, the black God. Waaqa has the power to do and undo everything (Knutsson,1963). Ayyaana is a phenomenon of great importance in Oromo religion. The Oromo believe that Waaqa or Uumaa, meaning ´Creator´ created different creatures with different ayyaana (Bartels 1983; Gammachu in Baxter 1994). Ayyaana or spirit granted by Waaqa at birth, retained throughout lifetime, and beyond, is believed to determine the fate of the individual, be it good or bad. Every nature and natural phenomena has the ayyaana of its own. All days have their own ayyaana.
Another equally important religious and/or philosophical concept is the Oromo moral and ethical set of divine rule called safuu. The Oromo concept safuu is in the daily speech of the people. Lambert Bartels, in his great work of Oromo Religion (1983,p30), puts the word as having nine varied meaning, not dialectal variation, but differences observable in different contexts in the same linguistic community. Among others, the core meaning of the word relates to preserving the existing norm (e.g., by avoiding haraamuu, i.e. incest taboo (the hoboo-cooraa horizontal intergenerational relationship)). Bartels, while speaking of alternate generations (oboo or coora), oboo and oboo can play with one another, even if their ages diverge, widely; they joke with another. Especially, a grandmother and her little grandson can do this; there is less respect; both of them are oboo or coora; they are like friends; safuu walitti hintahan—They are not safuu towards each other (p331).
The word ´play´ is to mean ´romantic´ or ´erotic´ in this context, which is not incest / haraamuu as the tradition has demarcated it as hoboo-cooraa.
Bartels quotes his informants as saying the word safuu has a clearly religious implication. To express the fear of Waaqa, Almighty God, one would say, safuun kan Waaqaa ti, meaning, Safuu is of Waaqa, i.e. it is all because of Waaqa.
Referring to this ethical/moral dimension of the Oromo finna (heritage), Gemetchu Magersa has this to say: as a result of the historical character of the tradition, early in Oromo tradition, there developed a tension between uummaa (literally Creation), referring to practice, ritual or otherwise, and ayyaana as the will of Waaqa. It is perhaps this contradiction that gave rise to the concept of safuu. (in Baxter 1996,p97).
Gemetchu, is right saying that the concept safuu is ´a mutual relationship between elements of the social and cosmic order´ (1994.). Safuu is a social and religious Oromo worldview that places hurdles before individuals to live up to the moral and social standards of the society and abide by the fear of Waaqa. Only then can the human and divine relations be maintained and peace and tranquility be kept at an equilibrium when the safuu divine order is most viable in the tradition. ´Tradition´, with all its negative connotation of ´remote past´ continues into the present ´with emphasis on the spoken word and ´literacy´ (Gemetchu, 1994 p96).
To the Oromo, safuu is one basic and all-pervading concept. It is a belief in peaceful resolution of conflicts: the belief that violence—domestic or whatever— war, and the taking of lives are unacceptable ways of resolving disputes (´Daaniyaa´, 2006). Hence, this ethical/moral code is a fundamental concept of the Oromo worldview as a peace-loving nation whose underlying philosophy of humanity is pacifism. It implies that all things have a place of their own in the cosmic and social order, and that they should keep this place. Human and divine relations, the cosmic order, and the natural phenomena are all governed by the safuu divine order. Man and nature are conditioned by the specific ayyaana each has received from Waaqa. Safuu implies both rights ands duties. In the people´s eyes, Wisdom is knowing safuu and abide by it (Bartels, 1983) in every aspect of life experience.
According to this Oromo concept of moral or ethical order, what is cubbuu / sin is not committing a social or moral evil that can be termed as violating those nine commandments. What is cubbuu / sin is destroying, damaging, or spoiling Man´s relationship with Waaqa, Man´s relationship with Man, and most of all, damaging Waaqaa´s creation. By this Oromo world view, in Waaqaa´s creation, all things have been given a place of their own ….They are expected to keep distance from each other ; each of them has to follow his own way; they must not overstep the boundaries put between them by Waaqa; they must not get mixed up (Bartels, ibid.p339).
According to this Oromo tradition, in order for the safuu to remain functional, every member of the society must conform to this cosmic and social order, safuu; if s/he acts otherwise, s/he acts against the safuu (´Daaniyaa´, 2006; Bartels, 1983).
Every social and moral aspect of the Oromo daily life activities are governed by the safuu moral and social order. Serious human relations such as marriage and other serious conflicts are treated accordingly by the existing codes of conduct and norms. The safuu is a rubric of Golden Rules to make check and balance against all odds that threaten the societal and cultural wellbeing. Such a concept as safuu is not a mere form of artistic expression; it is a guide to life. Safuu is founded on the concept of finna (real life situation, heritage) of the people, and links the people to the regenerative sources of their culture (Kassam 1986).
Through transformation and the dynamic nature of finna, each generation finds its own meaning in the tradition in relation to its particular historical situation (Gemetchu, 1994p96). It is this relationship between the concepts, Gemetchu rightly argues, and the their particular meanings in specific circumstances that gives the Oromo tradition a historical character (1994p97). When the knot is loosened by externally induced and internally motivated factors, then those Golden Rules are no more functional, and consequently, those facets of morality and humanity are endangered. Where safuu is not viable, social and moral order is at disequilibrium. Elders, ritual and tribal leaders, counselors, seers all try their best as watchdogs of culture to maintain peace and security of their citizens by issuing and enacting moral and social laws.
In keeping marriage intact, fastening societal relations and maintaining the spiritual and social wellbeing of the people, safuu is the reference point.
1.2 Statement of the problem
The subject of the present study is traditional Oromo marriage counseling. The purpose of the study will be to examine closely to what extent traditional counseling is effective among the Oromo of the area in focus, where access to professional counselor is thin on the ground or none. Almost all societies in the world recognize the significance of marriage as a major source of the foundation of society, namely, family, which in turn is the result of many institutions. Needless to say every society makes it compelling to pay attention to marriage regardless of the technological advancement it has achieved or the geographical location it is in—irrespective of its being rural or urban (Gemechu, 2006). The case of the Oromo is no exceptional.
Marriage is by nature a multifaceted institution defined as the emotional and legal commitment of two people who share emotional and physical intimacy, various chores and economic resources. It is as an institution where partners are committed to each other by contractual agreement to share intimacy, a lifelong relation that range from social to sexual companionship, resource-based decision-makings, and other responsibilities and values (Olson & Defrain 2000).
To obtain the approval of the society it is necessary that the union be formed and recognized in accordance with the unwritten customs, i.e., customary laws and taboos in traditional societies, or in accordance with established laws, as in more civilized ones (Westermark, 1977). In this regard, the felt problem of the impediments to the homogeneous reality of life experienced among the Oromo, set in the present pluralistic situation, demands serious attention. In former generations and cultures (sub-cultures), the situation of the young is quite different. There one grows into an existing (value) system which is in no way questioned by members of the respective community as long as the individual shows complete acceptance and identification. Traditionally moral and social order follows normal processes of nature, and value system binds into a single homogenous life reality, normal form of social and sexual companionship is maintained, religious convictions and religious practices are binding to enhance marriage and related cultural values. In Oromo tradition, one does not ask what is caused by what, but learn by observation. Explanations and interpretations are provided through stories, myths, proverbs; scientifically rational explanations are alien. The total growth, development and self-fulfillment of the individual is enhanced through traditional precepts and counseling to impart to the growing person useful cognitive, performative and affective skills and enable the person to live rewarding life and to be a useful member of the society. Hence, it will be the purpose of the present study to closely follow and scrutinize who counsels, how, what and when as regard to initiating the young and paving the way toward meeting the societal expectation and tackling the challenge of social and moral order.
According to the Oromia Regional State site, Oromia is the largest of the federal states. At present it comprises of 12 administrative zones and 180 woredas. Based on the 1996/97 Population and Housing Census, the projected population of the region is estimated at 25,098,000 in 2004, accounting for over 35 percent of the population of the country. Out of the population of the region about 12.8 percent is estimated to dwell in urban areas, whereas the remaining 87.2% resides in rural. Generally the level of urbanization is very low and found at an infant stage. The Oromo have vast and rich culture and varied traditional institutions fostered by the size of the population and large land area with diverse climatic conditions and different economic backgrounds.
Marriage is one of the most important institutions in the Oromo culture. Elders and members of the community have roles in initiating or preparing the young for the pre-marriage, while and after marriage responsibilities and chunks of events constantly changing and continuing in time under those internally motivated and externally induced factors.
Traditional helping professions have always existed and been a source of support for ages. Guidance and counseling is no more a new phenomenon in the sense that parents, religious leaders, teachers, community leaders and responsible citizens have frequently used it as a major source of helping by giving advice to a subject, i.e., one in need. These individuals and the agencies they represented are the source of information and comfort for the confused and despaired (Yusuf, 1991).
By the same token, the Oromo have their own mechanisms for resolving problems and conflicts in human relations and maintaining harmony, peace and tranquility in the society. Regarding marriage, to help the couple to be more mature and productive, to grow in socialization and production, the family and other kinship members give advice at pre-, while and post-marital phases. Whenever serious problems occur in marriage, elders, religious and/or community leaders involve in settling the dispute and keeping the marriage intact and saving the family from breaking. These activities which involve moral, religious and social commitments to help the couples to have a better competence in handling their relationship in marriage and live in harmony up to the demands of the community are grouped under traditional marriage counseling.
Marriage counseling as a profession is young with focus on managing marital human interaction and the family unit. Its principal purpose is to avoid, eliminate, relieve, manage or resolve marital conflict or discord and, instead, to create, improve, restore marital harmony, or prepare couple for marriage (William 1973).
As one of the least developed nations in the world, Ethiopia has shortage of enough qualified professionals in every field, in general, and in (marriage) counseling in particular. Modern counseling is relatively a new phenomenon in the country with few professionals limited to working in the urban in most cases. The large portion of the society living in the rural area has no access to get modern professional counseling services. They resort to the traditional counseling imparted through verbal arts, initiation ceremonies and various socializing mechanisms by religious and/or community elders, close kin at home, work places, ritual sites, churches, mosques.
The present study aims to tackle the following research questions:
how is the traditional way of Oromo marriage counseling imparted to prepare the individual(s) for the lifelong contract?
to what extent the service offered is helpful for the couple in having healthy social and sexual companionship?
who involves in the counseling?
what techniques are exactly put into the counseling processes? and
at what stage is such a counseling effective
are questions of psychological and anthropological nature to be treated in the present study.
1.3 Objectives of the study
1.3.1. General objective
The general objective of the research is to investigate traditional Oromo marriage counseling practiced among the Salalee Oromo in North Showa, Oromiya, and examine closely to what extent it is effective in helping the ´counselee´.
1.3.2. Specific objectives
The research intends:
to assess the nature of traditional helping/counseling services delivered in the selected locale
to identify to what extent the traditional way of helping is effective and helpful
to pinpoint difficulties for practitioners and counselees in the counseling services being offered
to ascertain what can certainly be profitably used, and what not, in the array of traditional counseling services
to forward recommendations for the betterment of the services in absence of trained / professional counselor
1.4 Rationale
The rationale for this study relates closely to the curiosity the researcher developed as a young girl and that observation set in the past has evolved into an academic pursuit today. The researcher has come to believe that the nature of Oromo traditional marriage counseling offered before marriage, in marriage and post-marriage (e.g., counseling divorce case) is not researched at large, if not at all, and the field has got a lot to offer. The focus in the present study is, therefore, on marriage and marital interaction, sexual and social companionship between partners. In a society where modern counseling is at its elemental and emerging state of development, it is imperative to turn to what the tradition has to offer to live in harmony with Man, Nature and Waaqa / God. In marriage and marital interactions, when the couple or the individual is in problem, to whom can one go and for what kind of help demands a through investigation.
1.5 Significance of the study
In such a society where access to professional counseling is limited, research done on the area is also minimal. In addition, to the knowledge of the researcher, there is inadequate or no qualified marriage counselor except for the traditional helpers. Therefore, the researcher hopes that the present study will be helpful in the following ways:
it casts light on the way traditional marriage counseling is offered
it enables to evaluate the effectiveness of the services
it gives opportunity to use traditional counselors in more improved ways by offering some intervention trainings
it gives insight for further research in the fields of anthropology and counseling psychology
Students of counseling and researchers in the field of Oromo culture and the social and moral facets of Oromo culture can do more than what the present study has to offer using this study as a springboard.
1.6 Scope of the study
The major aim of the present study is to examine closely the nature of traditional Oromo marriage counseling. It would be relevant to scrutinize widely and deeply into the socio-cultural background of the traditional orientation of the counselors and counselees to come up with a wide range of themes and patterns of traditional Oromo marriage counseling, if it were not for time constraints. Such an academic feat necessitates anthropological and literary orientations along a long time reading and training to pin down the repertoire of techniques and strategies in such a cultural practices, which is not the case in the present study. That will be an academic pursuit the researcher will pick up sometime again in another study.
1.7 Organization of the study
Chapter I attempts to set the background of the study. It introduces the social organization and cultural (sub-cultural) settings of the Salale Oromo. Chapter II conceptualizes relevant theories and reviews related studies in an attempt to establishing a theoretical framework for interpreting data of the study. Chapter III singles out methods employed to collect, transcribe, organize and interpret the relevant data obtained. Chapter IV takes up the task of data presentation and interpretation. Finally, Chapter V, by way of synthesis looks back on the themes and patterns of traditional Oromo marriage counseling set within the traditions and worldviews of the society. The chapter also concludes by underscoring implications of the study focusing on the limitations of traditional marriage counseling and needed attention in line with modern counseling.
Note
Picture: Oromo woman displaying ritual scars on her face. Petrie, A History of Egypt - Part One, 1896, p. 126 - Photo 1890 [Estimated date.]
http://wysinger.homestead.com/oromos.html
The cultural continuity between Ancient Egyptians and Kushites and Modern Oromos was early noticed by Orientalists and Africanists in the 19th century. Then, every similar reference was forced out of academic circles and congresses because it became clearly understood that historical truth severely contradicted the colonial plans of the Anglo-French Freemasonry in Eastern Africa; those plans provided for the physical extinction of a great part of the Modern Kushites and the imposition of a barbaric, anti-African, Abyssinian tyranny and an ´Ethiopian´ Spiritual Genocide on the survivors.
